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No 7 (135) (2025)
EUROPEAN PROCESS: COUNTRIES AND REGIONS
In Search of a New Strategy of the Franco-German Tandem: Priorities for Progress
Abstract
The authors explore the views on progress held by French President Emmanuel Macron and former Chancellor Olaf Scholz. It is argued that modern, effective intellectual discourses, including those in the political sphere, are always oriented towards national interests. Analyzing these discourses separately and comparing them can provide additional information about the directions in which national policy is developing and the potential for success of these different approaches. The article consists of five parts. The first one formulates the scientific problem and highlights the various ways in which progress can be interpreted. It also describes the novelty of the article, its timeframe, and potential limitations of the research. The second part research focuses on an analysis of E. Macron’s priorities for both French national and European policy. It is highlighted that the concept of balance is particularly important in this context. The concept encompasses numerous relationships at the national, sub-national, and international levels. The president is convinced that his country can successfully establish these balanced relationships and then maintain them effectively. The third part of the article is focused on O. Scholz’s idea of a harmonious process of progressive transformation, the conditions for which include an open economy, free trade, and fair competition. The fourth part is dedicated to the method of comparison. The authors conclude that there are several contradictions between ideas of E. Macron and O. Scholz. They formulate hypotheses in the fifth part of the article. The seamless transformations desired by the political elites of both countries will not occur because French and German societies are ideologically disoriented in different ways. The hypotheses presented should be considered in the context of the authors’ previous research.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(7 (135)):5-17
5-17
Contemporary Reflection of World War II in the Atlases of Russia, Great Britain and France
Abstract
The article explores how Russia’s short-sighted policy of insufficient funding for research and development, which has been implemented for several decades, has gradually led to the defeat of the Russian Federation in most “memory wars.” The chronic lack of funds for most domestic academic centers conducting socio-humanitarian research is also evident in the preparation and promotion of historical atlases that contain information about World War II. The American-British view of World War II in historical atlases was already established by the end of the 1980s and only changed in the 2010s. It was characterized by a generally objective approach to the coverage of events, but with an increased emphasis on the contributions of compatriots, which sometimes creates the illusion of downplaying the role of the Soviet Union. In cases where World War II receives limited attention in general historical atlases, the biases become more pronounced. It is only in recent years that an attempt has been made to exaggerate the influence of the USSR on the strengthening of Nazi Germany and its push to start a war against Poland. It is noteworthy that French historical atlases are more biased, as cartographers had to not only emphasize the contribution of their motherland, but also demonstrate France’s non-existent significant contribution to the defeat of Hitler’s Germany (of course, by downplaying the role of the USSR). It is concluded that if Russia demonstrates political will to defend the historical memory of the USSR’s contribution to the defeat of German Nazism, Japanese militarism, and their allies, then in addition to significant diplomatic steps, serious scientific cooperation with academics from other countries of the anti-Hitler coalition is required. This will be a large and challenging task, and in the case of publishing historical atlases, it will even require the skill of visualizing compromise solutions.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(7 (135)):18-28
18-28
The Role of Central and Eastern Europe in the Transformation of the EU
Abstract
The article examines the political, economic and military-political role of the Central and Eastern European countries in the transformation of the EU at the stage of the third major cycle of European integration. In the context of global turbulence and uncertainty, the Franco-German tandem has proven insufficient for the function of the integration project. It is argued that the civilisational features and frontier defense mentality of the CEE countries correspond to the needs of the current stage of regionalisation and can contribute to strengthening the centripetal processes in the European Union. The growing role of the region’s states in EU institutions following the European Parliament elections, the formation of the new Commission as well as the similarity of the positions held by Central and Eastern European leaders are explored. The economic capabilities of the CEE region in the context of the EU’s competitiveness and the defense dimension of the region’s growing influence resulting from the Ukrainian crisis are analysed. It is concluded that the development of the EU as a global actor in world politics will largely depend on its ability to effectively utilise and integrate the socio-political, civilisational, economic, and military potential of the CEE countries. The strengthening of the region’s states within the European Union will further complicate Russia’s interaction with Brussels.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(7 (135)):29-40
29-40
The African Dimension of the EU Pact on Migration and Asylum
Abstract
The article highlights the new “partnerships” with African countries developed within the framework of the EU Pact on Migration and Asylum. The author argues that by concluding informal agreements with Tunisia, Mauritania and Egypt, the EU strives to shift responsibility for curbing migration flows to partner countries by means of conditionality - the traditional foreign policy instrument. After presenting informal agreements as an outcome of the Pact the author further traces a link between their conclusion and the Commission’s legislative proposals to revise the “safe third country concept” and make a list of “safe countries of origin”. The data from European Commission and Frontex, which indicate the decrease of migration inflow to Europe number and emerging of new migration routes, allow the author to conclude that the migration governance outside the EU proves partly effective. At the same time, the article points to the instability of the EU’s informal “deals” with African partners due to the lack of transparency, the vaguely formulated obligations of the parties and development aid, which is linked to a country’s results in curbing migration.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(7 (135)):41-51
41-51
Half a Century of Socioeconomic Transformations in Spain: Ambiguous Results
Abstract
The article explores the evolution of the Spanish model of social development over the last half century. Spain currently attracts increased attention from the international expert community for two main reasons. Firstly, against the backdrop of stagnation in most EU members, the Spanish economy has demonstrated growth rates three to four times higher than the eurozone countries, which has given rise to the “Spanish economic miracle” narrative. Secondly, the 50th anniversary of the end of Franco’s dictatorship and the beginning of Spain’s transition to a constitutional form of government and the implementation of deep political and socio-economic reforms of a bourgeois democratic nature. This kind of chronological coincidence poses a number of questions for researchers: to what extent the current economic boom is a consequence of the reforms carried out; what are the real results of several waves of Spanish modernization; how significant is the half-century experience of post-Franco evolution for Spain itself and in a broader international context? The authors, based on previously conducted research and the latest statistical data and expert assessments, offer their own interpretation of the identified key problems of Spain’s development. Moreover, the socio-economic situation of the Spanish state is the object of intense ideological and political struggle and irreconcilable expert assessments in Spain and abroad.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(7 (135)):52-62
52-62
Venezuela between Peace and War: International Projection of the Crisis in the Caribbean Sea
Abstract
The article is dedicated to Venezuela's foreign policy in the context of worsening relations with the United States and military activity in the Caribbean Sea. It analyzes the causes of the crisis and the positions of the involved parties. It also examines the diplomatic resources available to Caracas. Special attention is given to Venezuela's course in Latin America, the role of European countries, and the stance of BRICS countries. Pressure from the Trump administration on Maduro's government is explained by a desire to get concessions in negotiations and a way to solve domestic political tasks in the United States. It may involve mobilizing the Republican electorate or attracting votes from the Cuban and Venezuelan diaspora. At the same time, no country in the Western Hemisphere supports threats of using force. This is shown by sociological survey data. The European Union has taken a moderate position. It supports the White House's fight against drugs, but wants international law to be observed. China, Russia, and Iran have limited ability to help Venezuela. These countries call against military intervention and are ready to support Caracas in international organizations. The possibility of a military action depends on talks between the countries.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(7 (135)):63-74
63-74
Energy Security Strategy of the Republic of Ireland
Abstract
The Republic of Ireland, like other European countries, has faced the negative impact of anti-Russian sanctions on energy markets. Rising hydrocarbon prices, the reorientation of trade flows, and the fragmentation of the global economy have forced the EU to reconsider its energy security strategy and accelerate progress toward a low-carbon economy and scale up the use of renewable energy sources (RES). Ireland, which aspires to be among the leading countries implementing The European Green Deal, actively supports its initiatives on decarbonization, reducing dependence on oil and gas imports, and developing wind and solar energy. The article aims to analyze key areas of the country’s energy security and assess the effectiveness of their implementation. After adopting ambitious goals of transitioning to a climate-neutral economy by 2050, the Irish government has encountered certain barriers to their implementation. The country will need to undertake a large-scale transformation of the energy system, associated infrastructure, and the legislative framework. In an era of global instability, Ireland is seeking to strengthen its energy sovereignty through investment in renewable energy development. By 2030, Ireland plans to achieve 22 GW of renewable energy capacity.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(7 (135)):75-83
75-83
International Cooperation in Advancing the Green Economy: A Case Study of the EU Countries
Abstract
The article deals with the theoretical foundations and practical aspects of international cooperation in the development of the green economy, with a focus on the experience of the EU countries. It is argued the necessity of the green economy as a new development model that combines economic growth with addressing environmental issues. The role of international agreements (UN Agenda 2030, Paris Agreement) and organizations (UNEP, OECD, etc.) in promoting sustainable development and green growth principles is analyzed. The EU is shown to be a leader of the green transition, having integrated sustainable development goals into its policies and achieved significant results in decarbonization and resource efficiency. A comparative statistical analysis of green economy indicators in EU countries is presented: global environmental performance and green growth indices demonstrate the leading positions of many European states, as well as intra-European disparities. The article includes a table of Green Transition Index results, reflecting the successes of Scandinavian and Western European countries and the lag of some southern EU members. It concludes that international cooperation - from global climate agreements to regional integration - plays a key role in advancing the green economy, enabling the pooling of resources, technologies, and efforts to achieve global environmental goals.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(7 (135)):84-93
84-93
PARTIES AND POLITICAL MOVEMENTS
Ideology of Non-system Parties in Europe: the Revising of Populism
Abstract
The article explores the ideology of non-system parties in the context of a reassessment of “populism” in the form of a broad ideological platform that reflects deep socio-economic processes and the inability of elites to provide an adequate response to new challenges. Non-system is understood primarily as an opposition to the neoliberal ideological and political system with an extremely significant role in the party-political space as a whole. For the purposes of studying the presence of certain ideas and concepts, a discourse analysis of documents is used, the ideology of party movements is considered from the point of view of an identitarian approach, which presupposes the presence of identity as a concept in modern socio-political processes. The methodological approach is based on the concept of a systemic nonlinear division between supporters of neoliberalism (anti-identism) and supporters of identism. The article deals with the ideological program of the parties, the general portrait of their voters, as well as the rating of threats and challenges. It concludes that the ideology of non-system parties is based on the universality of democratic values and on the right to defend one’s way of life and thoughts within the framework of the country, society, religion, and economy. It is the idea of having a permanent and unshakable identity of the majority that implies the rejection of uncontrolled immigration, the protection of the national labor market and the new working class, and the overall priority of citizens’ well-being over geopolitical issues. The political confrontation between non-system parties and ruling circles has influenced a change in the consciousness of voters has shown that there is no monopoly on ideology, there is no single “true” interpretation of liberal democracy, as there can be no monopoly of leftist and left-liberal ideas on the protection of workers of routine labor and the protection of social justice. The identist parties are gradually gaining positions at the national level and in the European Parliament, which in the next electoral cycle will affect the composition of the European Commission, and their non-system character becomes relative due to the adaptation of their ideas by mainstream parties.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(7 (135)):94-107
94-107
Power Index Values for Eurosceptic Groups in the European Parliament
Abstract
The dissent among right Eurosceptics during the first dozen months of the 10th European Parliament’s (EP) activity is a phenomenon widely spread ahead of the President of the EP re-election. Using quantitative methods, the article explains why ideologically aligned MEPs prefer to vote differently. The author using seats distribution and special index measured roles played by Eurosceptic and rival factions. Analogous indicators are calculated for different hypothetical right Eurosceptic coalitions, and the potential benefits of unification are compared with the current situation. The interdisciplinary synthesis of mathematical and political science tools was used to identify the Deegan-Packel power index as the most suitable instrument for the stated objectives. Being the first to apply this methodology, the author identifies numerous advantages in the contemporary configuration for right Eurosceptic MEPs. Calculations have shown that changing the current situation is advantageous for selfish reasons (to enlarge their faction), but disadvantageous in terms of their rivals’ potential: by uniting, EU critics would strengthen socialists, “The Left”, “The Greens”, or liberals, thus making them indispensable partners and therefore in-demand for Euro-enthusiasts. Probably the right-wing Eurosceptics’ refusal to formalize their cooperation stems from a reluctance to reinforce competitors having opposite ideological positions.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(7 (135)):108-116
108-116
Possibilities for Transforming the Polish Party System
Abstract
Poland’s party system has transitioned from the unstable multiparty system of the 1990s and early 2000s into a model dominated by two major parties, which has remained in place since 2005. For nearly two decades, political life in the country has centered on the confrontation between Law and Justice party and Civic Platform party. The electoral cycle that began with the parliamentary elections in autumn 2023 and concluded with the presidential elections in May-June 2025 demonstrated the continued existence of this system, though it now faces serious challenges. The most significant among them is the rising electoral outcomes of the Confederation Liberty and Independence, which threatens to erode Law and Justice monopoly amid polish right-wing parties. Nevertheless, the author concludes that the Confederation’s inherent weaknesses still prevent it from competing on equal terms with the two dominant forces. Other parties, including firmly entrenched ones such as the New Left and the Polish People’s Party, are even less likely to alter the balance. Consequently, the stability of the current model primarily depends on the internal cohesion of Law and Justice and Civic Platform parties. Although both face obstacles, these are not yet critical, and the parties remain well-positioned to preserve their status. The article concludes that while the existing model is likely to persist in the near term, current trends indicate a potential proliferation of leading parties in Polish politics over time.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(7 (135)):117-127
117-127
PROBLEMS OF ECONOMY
The EU in the International Trade in Goods of the Persian Gulf and Central Asia Regions
Abstract
The article aims to determine the EU’s place in the international trade in goods of the Persian Gulf and Central Asian regions, which represent the rapidly growing parts of the Greater Middle East. The changes over the last decade of 2015-2024 have been tracked, the stability of the main export item, mineral fuel, has been revealed. The study deals with the calculations of the trade intensity index using data from the Trade Map and Eurostat statistical databases and the author’s methodology. The study showed, firstly, that the Arabian Six and the Central Asian five have similar significance for the EU as fuel exporters, and secondly, that the intensity of exports from the Persian Gulf to the EU lags behind expectations based on knowledge of their share in world trade, and from Central Asia to the EU significantly exceeds expectations. A quantitative assessment of the regions’ trade with the EU in dynamics in comparison with China and the Russian Federation helps to characterize both the successes in the European solvent market and the risks of dependence during the period of the EU’s implementation of the strategic autonomy idea. The author’s analysis is complemented by existing expert assessments of trade and economic relations with the EU and confirms the opinion about the ability of the two regions of the Greater Middle East to build an independent economic agenda.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(7 (135)):128-137
128-137
Genesis of the Foreign Trade Resilience between European Countries and Countries of Africa and the Middle East in the Period of 2010-2024
Abstract
The authors attempt to identify the genesis of foreign trade resistance between European countries and countries in Africa and the Middle East between 2010 and 2024. To achieve this goal, the first task was to identify not only viable pairs of mutual trade between the countries of the designated regions, but also to identify those that are significant enough for further analysis. That is, the share of this mutual trade in the exports or imports of at least one of the countries under consideration should be at least 1% for the entire selected period of time. Next, the resulting trading pairs were grouped based on the commodity structure in it at the beginning and at the end of the time period under consideration. As a result, 16 groups of resistant foreign trade pairs were identified, which in turn were combined into 3 large consolidated groups. An analysis of the results showed that trade with Europe is more important for the countries of Africa and the Middle East. In both cases, only a small group of regional countries are involved in this trade. At the same time, its nature remains predominantly postcolonial, when mainly low-grade goods and raw materials are transported to Europe, and high- and medium-grade goods are exported in the opposite direction. Positive shifts in this trend are observed, but only in 8 trading pairs out of 111 with a low or commodity level of specialization.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(7 (135)):138-147
138-147
Infrastructure of Seaports in the Baltic-Scandinavian Macroregion: Main Directions of Modernization
Abstract
The paper explores the development of seaports in the Baltic-Scandinavian Macroregion (BSM). The study covers the member States of the European Union (Denmark, Germany, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Finland, Sweden, Estonia) and Norway. The author aims to identify the main directions of modernization seaport infrastructure in the context of the implementation of the EU transport policy. The following tasks have been set: to give a general description of the BSM seaports within the framework of the EU port transport system; to identify the most significant factors that influence their renewal; to identify relevant areas of technical re-equipment of their infrastructure. The research methodology was a factual analysis of documentary, journalistic, statistical and scientific sources from the EU, the International Maritime Organization (IMO), and EU industry communities, which characterize the main programs and projects in this area, as well as the focus and requirements of conceptual and regulatory documents. The relevance of the work is justified by the importance of studying foreign experience and practical technologies of port management restructuring. It is concluded that the modernization of the infrastructure of seaports in the EU is carried out both during the development of global industry trends and in the process of implementing EU strategic decisions. The assessment of the activities of the EU and sectoral international organizations makes it possible to determine its main directions, including in the BSM countries. The use of new technologies gives ports competitive advantages by increasing the efficiency of port operations, optimizing the use of resources and energy.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(7 (135)):148-157
148-157
Transport and Energy Factor in Relations Between the EU and Turkmenistan
Abstract
The article deals with relations between the EU and Turkmenistan through a complex framework of transport and energy infrastructure development. The authors argue that the development of infrastructure and logistics systems in Central Asia is closely linked to the EU’s energy security. Turkmenistan ranks fourth in the world in proven gas reserves and is a crucial player in Eurasian geopolitics. While Turkmen gas is currently sold primarily to China and Iran, the EU is interested in securing hydrocarbons to diversify its energy partners. However, Turkmenistan’s geographic location is an obstacle to the country’s exports. The article analyzes the interconnectedness of Turkmenistan’s transport and energy projects, the medium-term prospects for gas imports to the EU, key areas of Ashgabat’s energy policy, and incentives for deepening cooperation with the European Union. It is highlighted that, in the face of increasing international competition, the EU is focusing on countries in the region and promoting large-scale infrastructure projects. An “Interest-Sources-Activity” approach is proposed, describing a system for deploying economic diplomacy measures that can be assessed in terms of the comprehensiveness of economic and political dialogue, the involvement of key actors, and the implementation of specific initiatives. The authors see potential for developing this approach while elaborating comprehensive forecasting tools for foreign economic activity, with th
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(7 (135)):158-167
158-167
SOCIAL SPHERE
“Invisibility” of Social Europe as Constraint on EU Social Policy
Abstract
The article explores the “invisibility” of Social Europe - the low public awareness of its social initiatives - as a key constraint on the effective implementation of EU social policy and on strengthening Europeans’ belief that the integration project can manage social crises. Despite the social turn in integration following the proclamation of the European Pillar of Social Rights in 2017 and enhanced communication efforts, a significant gap persists between the importance of social initiatives for strengthening the EU’s social dimension and citizen awareness of them. The article is based on the concept of social citizenship, which frames social rights as power resources. Instrumental resources, which create a link between norms and tangible outcomes for individuals, are identified as crucial for effective policy. The causes of low awareness are identified. Using social measures from 2025 as a basis, the article demonstrates a disconnect between the goals of EU social policy and citizens’ demands for social initiatives. It concludes that the misalignment between social development priorities and the issues that concern Europeans will not only limit the further development of Social Europe but also exacerbate precarity and civic alienation.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(7 (135)):168-179
168-179
Paradoxes of Migration Processes in the EU in a Changing World Order
Abstract
The article analyzes the paradoxes of migration processes in EU countries, the main center of migrant's attraction. The authors examine positive and negative aspects of migration, its role as a structural factor of socio-economic and demographic development of EU countries. Disagreements between EU countries during the refuges crisis in 2015-2016, priority to the national migration policies were changed to new approaches for common regulation and migration policy and New Migration and Asylum Pact was adopted in 2024 as a base for legislation and common migration reform. The authors use empirical, statistical and comparative methods for defining the specifics of internal and external migrations based on analysis of the EU and international organizations documents, national and foreign scientific literature and interdisciplinary approach to identify socio-cultural and legislative norms and migration`s consequences, creation of ethnic diasporas. Interaction between new migration trends and demography and its influence on the place of EU in the emerging world order is examined in the article. Taking into consideration unpredictability and multifactorial nature of migration, the authors conclude that the growth of migration to EU would be undulating and volatile depending on socio-economic and political processes in sending and receiving countries, geopolitical situation and balance of powers in the world. Comprehensive analysis of migration in EU will allow to use the results for modernization of Russian Federation migration policy.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(7 (135)):180-191
180-191
Gender Specifics in the Field of Talent Employment
Abstract
In recent years, a series of global crises have had negative consequences in the form of restrictions on the movement of labor, with a significant impact on labor markets and the growth of various forms of inequality. At the same time, digital technologies have transformed the world of work, initiating both opportunities and risks for gender equality. In no small part, this has affected highly skilled professionals in the fields of science, engineering, high technology and math-talent. The gender imbalance in this segment of the global labor market is clearly visible in most countries of the world and reduces their ability to achieve the key UN Sustainable Development Goals by 2030. Vertical and horizontal discrimination in the labor sphere, and especially in sectors requiring knowledge, skills and competencies in science and technology, along with gender stereotypes inherent to varying degrees in different countries and peoples, significantly reduce women's prospects for developing and applying their abilities and unlocking their professional potential. The object of this study gender inequality in the highly qualified segment of the labor market. The relevance of the topic and the novelty of the problems under consideration are due to the fact that the competitiveness and prosperity of our country, as well as other states in the era of digitalization, depends on the quality of human capital of the workforce to a greater extent than on other factors of production. The article, which aims to analyze the global talent landscape in terms of gender equality, as well as the situation in this area in the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union, considers gender-sensitive indicators of talent competitiveness developed and calculated by a number of international financial organizations, as well as specialized UN agencies on labor, education, science and culture. General trends and differences inherent in leaders and outsiders in this area, as well as in the countries of the EEU, were identified. Based on the analysis, conclusions were drawn that gender imbalance in high-tech industries can slow down the formation of a digital society, as well as the importance of creating gender-equal conditions for attracting, retaining talent, developing professional and technical competencies and global knowledge skills. The latter is necessary to overcome current and future risks of global socio-political development.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(7 (135)):192-202
192-202
European Universities: New Dimensions of the Unity of Tradition and Modernity
Abstract
The article explores, based on new trends in academic mobility and artificial intelligence, interaction of traditions and modern tendencies in European universities. Using a sociocultural methodology, the author examines contemporary European universities in three fundamentally different dimensions, representing either the regional peculiarities of university life (the mobility imperative in the curricula of EU universities), the university’s alignment with global technological innovations (the demand for artificial intelligence technologies in higher education), the movement within the framework of centuries-old traditions (the university as alma mater). The choice of mobility dimension for this conceptual framework is linked to the desire to highlight the specifics of European policy in the field of higher education. The study demonstrates how mobility-based education provoke, among students, sense of belonging to their university. It is argued that through the function of “belonging”, the interaction of the traditional and the innovative takes place in European higher education. At the same time, it is emphasized that the current deepening of student literacy in the field of artificial intelligence fits precisely within the traditional framework of the university process of acquiring new knowledge.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(7 (135)):203-209
203-209
SECURITY ISSUES
“Lessons” of the CFE Treaty: In Search of the Security Equation
Abstract
The ideas of modern control over conventional armed forces in Europe (CFE) were born in the USSR in the wake of perestroika, when the world was under the illusion of an imminent and radical strengthening of universal security, the possible elimination of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction (WMD), and a significant reduction in the stockpile of conventional weapons. The meeting of the leaders of the USSR and the United States in Reykjavík in 1986 created favorable conditions for a new stage of arms control, one of the directions of which was the process of reduction and elimination of conventional weapons, which later formed several treaties on conventional armed forces in Europe. The specificity of the historical period that began in the mid-80s in this area was that Moscow was the initiator and active protagonist of the arms control process CFE process. In the field of conventional weapons, two successive cycles of negotiations were initiated and completed, the results of which were, among other things, the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces (CFE) of 1990 and its “continuation” - the Agreement on Adaptation of the CFE Treaty (Adapted CFE) of 1999. Both documents were developed in radically changing geopolitical conditions, when the very nature of Moscow’s relations with the outside world underwent fundamental changes. The USSR collapsed, which affected the principles laid down in the structure of the agreements, which, subsequently, became victims of both the changed geopolitical conditions and the escalation of international tensions. The aggravation of relations between Russia and the West has led to the erosion of ideas about the urgent need for the arms control to ensure international security, which is disputed in this article. The author argues that without the arms control, no country will be able to feel safe, and the principles and approaches laid down in the past decades, even after the destruction of the agreements themselves, can become the basis for new agreements, including in the field of limiting conventional armed forces in Europe.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(7 (135)):210-223
210-223
Security Crisis in Europe: Approaches of Analytical Centers (Germany, France, Britain)
Abstract
The article deals with the current agenda of leading think tanks in Germany, France and the UK on key issues of the European security. The authors explored assessments and recommendations given by the six European centers on the change in the ideologies and value turns in the US under D. Trump administration and their consequences, the future of transatlantic relationship and the development of European strategic autonomy, as well as the prospects for resolving the conflict in Ukraine. The paper reveals that Trump’s re-election and the current US policy towards their European allies, Russia and Ukraine are causing concern among European analysts about the fate of Western unity, based on liberal democratic values, the roles of Germany, France and the UK in the global governance and the future of the European security system, as well as skepticism regarding the European strategic autonomy. It is shown that while solidarity dominates the approaches of analysts on the main topics, their recommendations differ significantly regarding more narrow and concrete issues, depending on national approaches, geographical and political realities and the priorities of country elites. The authors conclude that the think tanks not only generate new knowledge, but also transmit the political agenda of their governments. The article forecasts that the desire of Europeans to participate in resolving the conflict in Ukraine contradicts their unwillingness to build an alternative course to the US in supporting Ukraine. In this regard, any unified strategy to respond to Trump’s policies is absent among European analysts.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(7 (135)):224-236
224-236
SOCIETY AND RELIGION
African Vector of the Holy See’s Foreign Policy
Abstract
Diplomatic service is a unique feature of the Roman Catholic Church, which distinguishes it from all other religious institutions. For a long time, Africa remained on the periphery of the foreign policy interests of the Holy See, and Catholicism was able to achieve significant success only by the end of the 19th - mid-20th centuries. The withdrawal of the USSR from the region and the collapse of the world socialist system opened new ideological horizons for the Holy See on the continent in the late 20th - early 21st centuries, and papal diplomacy was able to take full advantage of them. The purpose of the article is to determine the degree of diplomatic activity of the Holy See in African countries during the period from the pontificate of Pius XI to the pontificate of Francis. The number of African countries that have established diplomatic relations with the Holy See, as well as those visited by the Popes, is assessed dynamically; the number of agreements (concordats) concluded between the Holy See and African countries is also evaluated. It is argued that as a result of the conclusion of concordats, two important tasks are solved: the development of national Churches is ensured, provided that their ties with the Roman Curia are maintained, and the positions of Catholicism in the most important areas of life in African society are consolidated.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(7 (135)):237-247
237-247