World esonomy and international relations

Structural shifts occurring in the global economy are changing the nature and mode of international expansion for multinational corporations (MNCs) and their participation in global production. However, scholars and researchers still have few tools to analyze such shifts, and studies of MNC behavior are often limited by data on foreign direct investment flows, which often do not reflect MNC participation in host countries. We use data from the AAMNE OECD database and demonstrate that using statistics on MNC output allows for a deeper understanding of the structural shifts in MNC participation in global production. The results confirm existing observations that the use of data on FDI flows is insufficient to provide a comprehensive assessment of MNCs' participation in modern global production. The application of MNC output data also provides another perspective on the spread of global value chains and confirms the standard observation that the most active formation of global chains in the last two decades has been in the automotive and computer and electronics industries. The estimates obtained show that the absence of offshoring growth in the case of Chinese MNCs does not necessarily imply limited participation in foreign markets. Moreover, the expansion of offshoring production in developed countries (such as Germany, France, the United States) does not always lead to the spread of global value chains in manufacturing industries. In future research, it would be important to use data on MNC participation in the output of both home and host economies to analyze ongoing structural shifts and assess the effectiveness of industrial policy instruments.

The European Union Common Security and Defence Policy (EU CSDP) is currently undergoing the institutional transformation. The CSDP is the crucial component of the EU’s organizational structure, designed for the promotion of European integration in the spheres of security and defence. The EU security and defence is often regarded as an inalienable part of NATO security and defence. However, the current trends, such as the evolving of the Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO), implementation of the Strategic Compass, or the plan for achieving strategic autonomy, promote the position of the European Union as one of  hard power centers on the international stage. The shift from normative to military power in the EU’s foreign policy signifies a completely new era in the regional security complex. The article explores the dynamic of the CSDP marked by the adoption of “Shared Vision, Common Action: A Stronger Europe” – the global strategy for the European Union’s Foreign And Security Policy, – and of the Strategic Compass for Security and Defence. The author examines the current trends in the EU CSDP, such as the creation and evolution of the Military Planning and Conduct Capability (MPCC) and a possibility of its turn into a fully operated EU military headquarter, the development of the PESCO as a contribution to the European military-industrial complex, and the recent adoption of the Civilian CSDP Compact. The trends are regarded through the methodology of “collective securitization”. The author provides the analysis of its applicability for the examination of the CSDP, highlighting the key steps and factors influencing the process, such as effective security governance and common identity in the sphere of security and defence.

Despite the heavy damage inflicted on transnational jihadist terrorist networks in the 2010s and 2020s, extremist groups acting under the banner of “global jihad” (primarily the Islamic State and Al-Qaeda) have not only survived, but also demonstrate the ability to adapt to new conditions and still pose a huge threat at different levels in various parts of the world. Terrorist networks have temporarily retreated into the shadows, trying to regroup their forces and find new fields and opportunities for their extremist activities. There are reasons to fear that we may be talking about the “calm before the storm.” A characteristic feature of modern transnational Islamist networks is the expansion of geography, primarily at the expense of African countries. Also, the “Afghan branch” of the Islamic State group (ISKP), which is not limited to the territories of Afghanistan and the countries bordering it, is showing special operational and propaganda activity. The expansion of the geography of terrorist networks is reflected in the evolution of their internal structure (which is especially evident in the example of the development of the management system of the “branches” of the IS network). The article also examines the impact of the war in the Gaza Strip on the activities of transnational jihadist networks. The author concludes that as long as the causes contributing to the growth of religiously motivated extremism and terrorism remain, global jihadist networks will continue to exist using various forms of hybrid warfare (terrorist acts, sabotage and guerrilla activities, seizure of territories for more or less long periods, propaganda war, recruitment activities, undermining public peace, etc.). It is also logical to assume that transnational Islamist terrorist networks will continue to skillfully combine their global ambitions with a purely local agenda, which poses a threat to a number of specific regions. And an equally alarming sign is the ability of adherents of the “global jihad” to use international conflicts for their own purposes.

The article addresses the issue of the emergence of new challenges and threats to the regional security system in Central and South Asia following the return to power of the Taliban movement in August 2021. Among them is the Taliban’s active policy in constructing the Qoshtepa canal related to the Amu Darya in northern Afghanistan without coordination with the Central Asian countries, posing a threat to the water, environmental, and food security of extensive areas in Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. The complicating factor is the deterioration of relationship between the Taliban and Pakistan after 2021, rooted in contradictions surrounding the Kabul-non-recognized “Durand Line,” which divides the territory inhabited by many Pashtun tribes and clans on both sides of the Afghan-Pakistani border. An irritant in Afghan-Pakistani relations has been the increased terrorist activities of the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) following the establishment of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, resulting in numerous casualties among Pakistani security forces and civilians. Islamabad accuses Kabul of harboring TTP militants on its territory, a claim refuted by the latter. In the long term, a challenge, primarily for a secular Central Asia, may be the Taliban’s anti-modernist policy capable of influencing the growing post-secular trends in countries located north to the Amu Darya.

Central Asian countries (Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, and Kyrgyzstan) are rich in renewable energy sources such as wind, solar, and hydropower, but the differences in economic development among the five countries have led to uneven development of renewable energy projects. Energy transition, carbon neutrality targets, and geopolitical conflicts make renewable energy development in Central Asian countries full of challenges. Policies to provide tariff reductions, simplify procedures and strengthen international cooperation for renewable energy projects are specified in the legislation on the use of renewable energy. China is the fastest growing country in the field of renewable energy technologies and one of the major investors in the Central Asian renewable energy market. Under the guidance of the One Belt and One Road Initiative, China and Central Asia have launched multi-level and all-round cooperation in the renewable energy sector. China has advanced technology and relatively strong capital, while the advantage of Central Asia lies in its great potential for developing renewable energy (hydro, wind and solar). The two sides carry out renewable energy cooperation, which is complementary to a certain extent, and can achieve mutual benefits and meet the economic development interests of both parties. In recent years, energy cooperation between China and the Central Asian countries within the framework of the One Belt and One Road Initiative has achieved many positive results. Their cooperation had geopolitical, technological and economic advantages, and the One Belt and One Road Initiative provided the Central Asian countries with more opportunities for sustainable development. This study concludes that China and Central Asia are actively promoting renewable energy cooperation under the One Belt and One Road Initiative to expand investment and reduce risks. 

The article investigates the dynamics of educational migration from Kazakhstan and identifies factors influencing the attraction of foreign students. It traces the evolution of Kazakhstan's educational policy from the 1990s, highlighting significant initiatives like the “Bolashak” program and the country's integration into the European Higher Education Area. The study emphasizes the measures taken to enhance the accessibility and quality of higher education, including the establishment of foreign university branches in Kazakhstan. Using regression analysis, the research identifies key factors influencing educational migration, such as urbanization levels, Internet accessibility, and the number of students enrolled in higher education. The analysis reveals a strong positive correlation between the percentage of Internet users and student outflows, indicating the role of digital information in shaping students' decisions to study abroad. Conversely, urbanization and the number of graduates show a positive impact on attracting foreign students to Kazakhstan. The article also discusses the country’s strategic efforts to become a regional hub for student mobility, particularly through the creation of the Central Asian Higher Education Area (CAHEA). It evaluates recent policies aimed at increasing the proportion of foreign students and the challenges faced in implementing these initiatives. The practical significance of this research lies in its potential to inform policymakers about effective strategies to manage educational migration. By analyzing the relationship between educational policies and migration patterns, the study offers insights into enhancing Kazakhstan's attractiveness as a destination for higher education. The findings highlight the importance of urban educational centers and digital infrastructure in supporting the country's educational goals and reducing brain drain.

The second part of the history of the Institute of World Economy and World Politics was associated with the name of Valerian Obolenskii, better known under the literary double N. Osinskii. He was an old Bolshevik, a prominent state and party leader, one of the first Soviet Marxist economists. He joined the Institute at the beginning of 1926, and had been workings there for less than two years. Under his leadership, the Institute of World Economy expanded its staff and worked out the main areas of research. At the same time, the Institute began publishing of the “World Economy and World Politics” journal and completed the preparation of the Yearbook under the same name. Both the journal and the Yearbook soon gained international recognition and became the world's first rate periodical analytical editions with economic and political specialization. The successful work of the Institute of World Economy was impeded not only by a small number of researchers, but also by the fact that its director worked there part-time. In 1926–1928, N. Osinskii was simultaneously the head of the Central Statistical Office (CSO), a member of the Soviet government – the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR, which left him little time for full management of the Institute. This article prepared using archival sources examines the activities of the Institute of World Economy and World Politics headed by N. Osinskii (V. Obolenskii) in 1926 – early 1927.

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